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Detroit Tracking Poll

by: Grebner

Tue Mar 17, 2009 at 01:45:51 AM EDT


May 6 Postmortem:  Maybe I need to find a new line of work.  Polling in Detroit is always a little dicey, but this election should have been easy.  Only 94,000 people voted (compared to 92,000 in the February's primary) and we had their names before we drew the sample.  So we were calling the right people.

In the primary we used the same recorded voice, the same wording, the same selection process.  And our results lined up almost perfectly with the actual vote total.

So why were we off by fully seven percent in the general election?  There was enough data (from almost 2000 completed interviews) to plot an apparent shift from Bing toward Cockrel over the period of two months.  The calculated margin of error was either four or five percent, depending on the assumption used, so we missed it by more than a hair.  Two other polls, using different methods, came to the same conclusions, and were just as wrong.

Honestly, I'm baffled.  I can't even think of a plausible excuse, although I hope to invent one eventually.  Here are my first efforts:

Theory #1: There was a late shift toward Bing,driven by endorsements from Hendrix, Jesse Jackson, and both major papers.  Problem:  why didn't this last-minute surge show up in the polling, which continued untiil the night before the election?  Why did Bing win among absentee voters, whose ballots were cast three and four weeks ago?  [UPDATE: It turns out Cockrel carried the absentees by several thousand votes, while Bing won the election day voters by roughly 7000.  Early media reports were completely wrong.  This correction adds weight to the late-shift hypothesis.]  Still, this deus ex machina was the answer put forth by Bernie Porn, at EPIC-MRA.  

Theory #2:  The election was racially charged, and people were reluctant to reveal their true preferences.  This theory almost makes sense, since Bing appeared to be draw disproportionate support from younger black voters, and our recorded voice was obviously non-black.  In 2005, Kwame's support was much larger than any poll picked up, apparently because some voters were reluctant to admit they planned to vote for him.  Problem: there was not trace of such an effect in the primary, and unlike 2005 (which had 210,000 votes) we had no turnout surge whatever.  Our polling showed Bing with a healthy lead in March, which gradually seemed to slip away - but then reappeared on election day.  Why would our 90,000-odd voters suddenly become shy about admitting they were voting for Bing?

Theory #3:  Something weird was going on through the entire process.  As I noted during the polling, our number of completes dropped dramatically from the primary and into March.  Since the samples were identical, and we called at the same times of day, using the same wording and voice, it simply made no sense that the completion rate should drop by 30%.  And on election day, a huge number of people simply didn't show up - people whom my model was counting on.  Were those mainly Cockrel supporters?  In other words, did something somehow create a huge number of lukewarm Cockrel supporters, who were barely able to press a number in response to my polling, but not to get off their rears on election day?  It should be possible to test this theory when we get the records next month.  It doesn't seem obviously implausible, but the only thing in its favor is that it ties everything together.  There's no particular reason to believe it's true.

Oh - the Charter Revision passed 79% to 21%, compared to my final projection of 72%. In the case of a ballot proposal, as I've said repeatedly, polling isn't generally accurate anyway, so I don't mind missing by seven points.

 

 

  Individual Days' Results          Four-panel moving average

             Bing  Cockrel  total           Bing%    Cockrel%   period

 5/4        39     39          78            45          55          4/27 - 5/4

 5/2        35     38          73            45          55          4/25 - 5/2
 4/29      40     47          87            44          56          4/22 - 4/29
 4/27      35     58          93            46          54          4/20 - 4/27
 4/25      43     44          87            47          53          4/18 - 4/25
 4/22      37     51          88            48          52          4/15 - 4/22
 4/20      47     41          88            48          52          4/13 - 4/20
 4/18      31     43          74            47          53          4/11 - 4/18
 4/15      49     44          93            50          50          4/8 - 4/15
 4/13      37     48          85            49          51          4/7 - 4/13
 4/11      39     38          77            52          48          4/4 - 4/11
 4/8        45     43          88            52          48          4/2 - 4/8 
 4/7        46     44          90            55          45          3/31 - 4/7
 4/4        45     38          83            57          43          3/28 - 4/4
 4/2        39     34          73            57          43          3/25 - 4/2
 3/31      46     27          73            56          44          3/23 - 3/31 
 3/28      55     40          95            53          47          3/21 - 3/28
 3/25      51     46          97            56          44          3/18 - 3/25
 3/23      50     44          94            56          44          3/16 - 3/23
 3/21      51     53        104
 3/18      69     30          99
 3/16      53     45          98

 TOTAL  982   935       1917

 Charter Revision Question       Four-panel moving average

             YES    NO       total            YES%       NO%          period

 5/4         54    16          70              72           28          4/27 - 5/4

 5/2         37    15          52              73           27          4/25 - 5/2
 4/29       57    14          71              73           27          4/22 - 4/29
 4/27       49    31          80              69           31          4/20 - 4/27 
 4/25       55    15          70              74           26          4/18 - 4/25
 4/22       61    21          82              71           29          4/15 - 4/22
 4/20       53    30          83              69           31          4/13 - 4/20
 4/18       52    11          63              69           31          4/11 - 4/18
 4/15       49    25          74              66           34          4/8 - 4/15  
 4/13       50    24          74              66           34          4/7 - 4/13 
 4/11       32    22          54              65           35          4/4 -  4/11   
 4/8         52    24          76              68           32          4/2 - 4/8  
 4/7         59    30          89              67           33          3/31 - 4/7
 4/4         45    26          71
 4/2         41    14          55
 3/31       41    23          64

 TOTAL   787   341       1128

Grebner :: Detroit Tracking Poll

March 16:  I've launched another round of robo-polling for the Detroit Mayoral Special General Election - I'll post new data three times a week.

But I'm mainly planning to use the data to deliver a very simple introduction to poll analysis.  I'll pitch it at the level of people who read the margin of error listed in newspaper polls and take them at their word.  If you already know that squaring a correlation coefficient yields the proportion of variance explained, you're welcome to nitpick me,  but you're not going to find anything new. 

Obviously, 98 responses doesn't give us much to work with.  The usual response would be to throw up our hands and say "It's too close to call." and leave it at that.

But let's ask - why is it too close to call?  What measure do we use?  When we look at a simple head-to-head race, we get a very good approximation of "the margin of error" by comparing the difference between the candidates' totals (in this case, 53 minus 45 or 8) to the square root of the sum of the candidates' responses (45+53 = 98, whose square root is about 9.9).  Notice we're using the actual number of responses, NOT the percentages in this calculation.

To get a "statistically significant" difference, we want to see the difference be at least 2.0 times the "standard error" which is the 9.9 we calculated above.  You can think of the standard error as (more-or-less) the "average error" that results from this sample size.

Since the actual difference we saw between Bing and Cockrel was 8 responses, and "on the average" we'd see a difference of 9.9 responses in a poll of 98 people, what we see here is too small to mean much at all.  Which is exactly what you'd expect, just looking at how small the sample was.  

In a couple of days, with twice as much data, the standard error and the "margin of error" will both shrink by about 30%.  Since the candidate percentages will change as well, we may see Bing take a real lead - or we may find out that it's a dead heat.

The one thing we can say, even with such a small sample is that Cockrel certainly doesn't have a large lead in the race right now - but for all we know he may have a small one.

March 18:  Interesting results from today's calls:  Bing did MUCH better than yesterday, enough to pull into a clear lead.

Two days ago, using a fairly crude analytic method, we concluded that the difference between the two candidates was far short of statistical significance.  Today, partly because we have twice as large a sample, but mainly because today's sample more heavily favored him, Bing can be seen to have a clear lead.

Bing's lead is now 47 votes, which is 3.3 times as large as the estimated standard error (square root of 197 results, or 14.0) which should happen less than one time in a thousand through chance alone.  We should always be wary of taking a particular surprising result and applying standard statistical tests, if the surprise was the cause of our attention.  But I'm not worried in this case, given I had announced my plan to report the results here as they become available, as well as the fact the result is much larger than bare statistical significance (1.96 times the standard error.)

We might worry that one night's results might be influenced by some specific transient factor that specifically favored one of the candidates (for example, the television schedule might have made some group in the population more likely to be at home, or more reluctant to interrupt their viewing to answer the phone.)  Because we didn't see such effects in the primary, that seems somewhat unlikely.  In any event, the next set of results - which I expect will also favor Bing - will probably clarify things.

At this moment, it seems fair to say that Bing appears to have a clear lead.  Of course, we don't know whether that lead will hold up over the course of the campaign and as each candidate is tested by events and the media.  But Bing does have a lead.

A very interesting statistical question is whether the two nights' results are DIFFERENT from one another.  That is, is the fact Bing got 54% one night and 70% two days later, too big a swing to be caused by chance alone?   Admitting - again - there's the danger of "cherry-picking" interesting results, let's test the DIFFERENCE between the two nights's results.

There's a very nice method of comparing the results reflecting two candidates and two nights.  First we make the results into a 2x2 table:

69 30 

54 48 

We calculate what is called an "odds ratio" by multiplying the numbers on one diagonal (69 times 48) and dividing by the numbers on the cross-diagonal (30 times 54). If Bing had gotten the same percentage each night, this number would be very close to 1.0, but for this table, the actual ratio is 2.04.  We now take the "natural log" of that ratio, to find the "log-odds" or "logit".  (Don't worry, none of this will be on the test.  You can find the natural log by typing ln(69*48/(54*30)) into Google's search screen - Google's calculator is case-sensitive.  You should get 0.71)

The larger the log-odds, the clearer that something has really changed from one night's calls to the next.  The standard error of the logit is simply the square root of the sum of the reciprocal of the cell counts.  In this case sqrt(1/69 + 1/30 + 1/54 + 1/48)  or 0.30.  (Again, Google will give you the answer, if you're careful about parentheses and using all lower-case letters.)  

Dividing the table's log-odds (0.71) by the standard error (0.30) yields 2.42, which is pretty strong evidence that the two nights' results really were different. I'm personally skeptical, because I don't know what could have caused that change in a period of two days.  In any event, if Cockrel doesn't do dramatically better soon, he'll be out of the race.

To sum up, if we want to analyze this 2x2 table:

    A  B

    C  D

We calculate the log-odds by:   ln(A * D / (B * C))

And the standard error by:  sqrt( 1/A + 1/B + 1/C + 1/D)

If the log-odds is more than 1.96 times as large as the standard error, we can say "It's significant at the 0.05 level."

 

March 21:  Today's lesson is that if you conduct small numbers of surveys, on different days, you'll see a lot of fluctuation, and it won't be possible to tell what's a real change and what's just statistical jitter. 

Even knowing this, two days ago I was convinced by Bing's extremely strong one-day showing that he had a clear lead over the incumbent.  Today's results serve to remind me to reserve judgment.

Since Bing's cumulative lead (45) is well over twice as large as the square root of the total number of responses (sqrt(337) = 18.3) it's still clear that Bing is leading, but it no longer looks like a blow-out.

Or - using the method I prefer:

ln(191/146) / sqrt(1/191 + 1/146) = 2.44

which says the same thing.

Starting Tuesday, I'll post 4-day moving averages, which are a much more reliable indicator of real change than looking at single day results.

 

March 23: Nothing much to report.  

One interesting thing is that I'm only completing about 100 calls out of the 1000 I call each day, compared to an average of about 125 in the primary.  Since the sample is very similar to the one I used in the primary, and the wording and voice are identical, it suggests that the candidates aren't really connecting with people.

I would have expected the number of completed interviews to rise, not fall, as the voters' choice became more focused.  But what seems to be happening is that the people who previously prefered one of the other candidates are being left cold by the choices they face now.

I'm sure the turnout in May will be higher than it was in the primary, but maybe it won't be as big an increase as I had thought.

March 25: Another day, another small Bing lead.  

Each day that passes makes the March 18 panel (with Bing getting 70% of the vote) look more anomalous.  I've rechecked the data, and I can't see anything suspicious, but it still makes me uneasy.

When faced with such an outlier, I tend to ask "What conclusion would I draw if that piece of data were excluded?".  Generally, a poll's implications should be robust enough to survive exclusion of one day's results.

If we take the approach of discarding the best night for each of the candidates - that is, both 3/18 and 3/21 - we are left with a small, non-significant Bing lead:  154-to-135, which is only about 1.2 SE's from 50-50.  Not very reassuring.

I believe the data, which says Bing has a moderate lead.  But I don't believe it very firmly, because the data only really said it ONCE, and normally a tracking poll ought to say the same thing over and over.

Maybe Saturday's data will clarify things.

 March 28:  It's not completely clear, but today's results shift the balance toward believing that Bing has a small-ish lead.  The four-panel moving average actually shifts toward Cockrel, because Bing's one blow-out result gets dropped from the calculation, but if we had used either three or five days' results, Bing would have a significant lead.

I was asked to add a question about the Detroit City Charter reform proposal, which shares the ballot with the mayoral special election.  I was tempted to refuse, because of my belief that phone polls are completely inappropriate for predicting the outcome of ballot proposals.  (As I've written earlier, the only method that seems to work involves casting a dummy written ballot.)  But it occurred to me that my mission here isn't to predict the outcome of an election, but to demonstrate polling technique.  And what better method than to run two simultaneous polls, one for the candidates (which will probably predict the outcome within four or five percentage points) and one for the proposal (which will probably be way off.) So - in the interest of scholarship - I'll begin reporting the results of the ballot question, probably by Wednesday evening.

March 31:  A second consecutive good day for Bing.  Using my simple assessment tool, over the past four days Bing has led 202-157, and 

ln(202/157)/sqrt(1/202+1/157) = +2.37 SE's.

which is a pretty good lead in my book.  Today's anomaly is that we only completed 73 usable interviews, although the sample was indistinguishable from the previous samples, and the script was almost identical.  Whatever it means, it certainly doesn't suggest either candidate is setting the city on fire.  (That's probably an unfortunate phrase, but so be it.)

Also, as promised, I've begun to poll attitudes toward the Charter Revision question.  Based on very small numbers, from just one day, it did very well: Yes-41 to No-23.  (Using the same technique above,  it's at +2.22 SE's.)  But how a proposal fares in a robo-call poll has no predictable relation to how the same voters will eventually vote when they see it on the ballot.

April 2: We appear to be settling into a clear pattern: Bing has a moderate, but substantial lead, with day-to-day fluctuations which are likely just due to sampling variations.  The most intriguing fact is the low rate of completion, which appears to be DROPPING as the election approaches, rather than rising.

As far as the Charter Revision question, if I were doing this for a paying client, I'd be tempted to tell them to stop polling and devote their money to something more useful.  Even though we have only 119 responses, it's clear that there's overwhelming public support - to the extent people understand the question they're being asked.  Obtaining more data (which we'll do, in spite of its uselessness) will narrow the uncertainty of the estimate, but it won't make this poll any better a predictor of the final outcome.  Today, we're at 68% +/- 9%.  A week from now, if we happen to be at 72%, or 62%, what difference will it make?  We can say that likely voters like the sound of the proposal, but will they like the sight of it?

April 4:  Another day, another confirmation of what we already saw.  Notice how the individual days' results jump around, because of their small-sample jitter, while the moving average is steady as a rock.

In just under three weeks, we've collected 800+ responses, which give Bing an average of 56%.  From this data, there's no evidence of any trend over time; that is, the overall average seems to be just as valid a predictor of the outcome as the most recent four panels.  That's basically what we saw in the primary: that the campaigning and each day's news don't seem to affect any actual votes.  If that's a correct reading, it's bad news for Ken.

One interesting tidbit, which I mentioned previously, is the apparent decline in the number of responses to the poll.  I don't think there's any reason connected with the poll itself to explain the drop.  All the samples were drawn at the beginning, and they're non-overlapping and statistically identical.   The same recording is used, with the same set-up parameters.  We call at the same times of the day.  And we're getting the same results as far as candidate preference.  So how do we analyze the drop-off in interest?

This sort of random surprise arises frequently in polling - a pattern attracts our attention that we hadn't expected, and so we don't have any pre-planned method of analysis.  The first thing to do is to be skeptical;  because we are only looking at it because it seems weird, it's likely to be pure coincidence.  But we don't have to reject every unexpected pattern;  we just need to set a higher standard before we accept it.  Does it continue to appear AFTER our attention is drawn to it?  Does it disappear if the data is analyzed using a different technique?  Does it reach not just the regular 2-standard-error threshold, but even 3-standard-errors?  Does the pattern seem logical, now that we've had a chance to consider possible causes?

In this case, the falloff in completion rate is only about 2.4 SE's, using various modes of analysis.  It will be easy to see over the next four weeks whether the pattern is maintained, or not.  It seems consistent with the much larger number of completions we saw during the primary, when we placed the same number of calls, used a very similar script, and targetted a very similar universe.  In the primary, every single panel returned 103 to 143 responses.  From the special general, the range has been 73 to 104 - and declining.

The message may be that nobody much cares about the outcome, and that the turnout won't be as large as we might have guessed. 

 April 7:  No news at all.  I'm not even going to bother bumping it to the front page.

April 8:  There's good news for people who like to quibble.  Does Bing retain a statistically significant lead?  The answer is NO, looking at the unrounded four-panel average; he's down to a 5% lead, which has a standard error of 5%.  Or the answer is YES, if you look at the data from the entire series, because he has an 11% lead, with a SE of only 3%.

And - to confound people who expect simple answers to arise from statistics - the two results are not inconsistent with each other.  That is, if we compare the most recent four panels to all the previous results using standard tests, they don't show any reason to believe there has been a change.  All these results could have been randomly obtained from an unchanged political universe.

So, in order to say whether Bing is "really" leading, you first have to decide whether you think there's been a change in the political climate in Detroit over the past week.  If you think there's been a change, then you are entitled to feel the race is a dead heat.  If you think it hasn't changed, then you can comfort yourself that Bing retains a solid, if small, lead.

And this poll doesn't contain any hint which is the correct view.  But next week's results will probably break the tie, either confirming Bing's lead, or confirming that Cockrel has come back.

Personally, I guess Bing has an unchanged lead, but that's guesswork, not poll interpretation. 

April 11: Another day which undermines Bing's lead without disproving it.

April 13:   There's (maybe) something happening here - what it is ain't exactly clear.  Today, Cockrel actually out-polled Bing for the first time in three weeks.  Averaged with small Bing leads in each of the three previous panels, that moves our four-panel average to a tiny (and non-significant) lead for Cockrel.  We are left with mud.

Certainly, we can't take this as evidence that Cockrel is "really" leading.  But there's also no reason to believe that Bing is still leading.  Looking only at the last four panels, which break in Cockrel's favor, 173-to-167, all we can say is that each of the candidates is somewhere between 45% and 55% in a head-to-head race, and that our sample isn't large enough to say more.

But if we look at the larger collection of data, from all thirteen days, we need to ask whether Bing is slipping.  Not whether he's trailing, because we don't have evidence of that, but whether the lead he showed in the beginning has now either diminished or gone.  On that question, the evidence is ambiguous; depending on exactly which comparison we examine, the change is either barely statistically significant, or slightly below the significant level.  Rather than pick one comparison as the "right" one, I just repeat that the election is still three weeks away, and we'll have more data soon.

If we ran a much larger survey, say harvesting 300 completes per day, we'd be able to answer these questions definitively.  But if we ran a larger survey, and we were still paying for it out of our own pockets, even the better data might not seem like a bargain.  Information costs money.

Even if we can't draw any hard conclusions, Cockrel ought to be happy about these results, and they should worry Bing. 

April 15:  More fog.  A better showing for Bing, which merely underlines that we don't know if we've seen a slight trend toward Cockrel, or if we're just staring at statistical noise and imagining that we're seeing a pattern.  Once we perform the calculations and realize that we're between one reality and another, statistical tests don't really offer a map for getting out.  More data may help, but as of today, it's possible to make one analysis showing that Bing holds a slight, steady lead and an equally valid one that shows Cockrel is gaining on him. 

An objective pollster, looking at this data, should report:  "I dunno.  Hard to say.  Maybe Bing has a slight lead.  Maybe Cockrel is gaining on him.  Maybe not." 

On the Charter Amendment front, the situation is the normal one for cheapie polling:  one side has a large stable lead, and spending more money to get better data would be an utter waste.  If anybody wonders what the public thinks of the proposal, they really can't be concerned whether it's supported by 65% versus 70%.  As I've said many times, the important question is how they feel when they READ the ballot language, which is likely to bear only a very rough relation to what they answer to a telephone survey.

April 18: Finally, NEWS!   Cockrel's strong showing today finally makes clear that the race is shifting in his favor.

To be more precise, Cockrel was clearly losing when I started surveying, last month.  Now, it's a reasonably close race, and he's doing better than he was, but it's not possible to say from this data whether either candidate has a small lead (say, 55% to 45%).

The reason I feel confident in saying the race has changed is the result of a simple calculation:  I compared the first five panels with the most recent five panels.  (I ignore the midddle five panels for this comparison - no matter what they show, they don't make much statistical difference when we're looking for a trend.) 

Thus, in the first five panels, Bing led 274-to-218.  The totals from the most recent five panels were 201-to-216.  (Note that the first shows a statistically significant Bing lead, while the latter does NOT show a significant Cockrel lead.) 

Using my favorite statistical technique, the logit of the table is

Ln(274*216/(218*201)) = 0.301

The SE of the logit is

Sqrt(1/274 + 1/216 + 1/218 + 1/201) = 0.134

So the shift in the log-odds is about 2.25 SE's, which makes me feel good about it.  So does the fact that using different collections of dates doesn't dramatically change the result.  In other words, the evidence of a shift is "robust", that is, it stands up even if we use different analytic technique.

In other news, the absentee ballots are clearly being returned much faster than during the primary - only a week after being mailed, 15000 have already been returned to the Clerk. 

April 20: New data, but no new conclusions.  Maybe in a few days I'll start looking at crosstabs between the responses and underlying demographic data.  Or maybe I'll be too lazy - we'll see.  

April 22:  Nothing to report except that Cockrel had another good night, adding evidence that Bing's lead is either slipping away or already gone.  21000 absentee ballots have already been returned.

April 25:  Nothing new.  The lead Bing took out of the primary has slipped away.  I'd like to announce who I think will win, but I don't have a clue.  Cockrel's small apparent lead is undermined by the fact that my sample appears to overweight whites and elderly, both of which groups tend to favor Cockrel, so the real results are almost exactly dead-even.  

The electorate shows very little indication of caring about the outcome.  Of the 25000 absentee ballots returned to the Clerk, 96% have been cast by people who also voted in the primary.  I'm sure we'll see more a larger percentage of new voters among those who show up at the polls on Election Day, but it's amazing to see such a high overlap between general election and primary election voters.

April 27: Usually, real change in a tracking poll doesn't depend on one day's news - unless it's a really big day for one of the candidates.  Today was Cockrel's day.  For the last week or so, he and Bing have been trading  good and bad days, leaving the situation in doubt.  But with today's 58-to-35 showing, it looks as if Cockrel may be pulling away.

When combined into the four-panel average, it results in a lead of 54.5% to 45.5%, or 9.0% which is just short of the 0.05 confidence interval.  

But if we look only at today's numbers, standing alone, they DO reach significance.  (Add the two numbers together: 93.  Take the square root: 9.6.  Multiply by two: 19.  Anything larger than that is outside the "margin of error" as that's usually calculated - and today's margin was 23.)  Because we didn't plan in advance to consider today's margin by itself, we should be skeptical.  But it would be an unusual result to arise randomly if Cockrel weren't really ahead, while it would be very ordinary if he is.

One reason to believe this is not just random fluctation is that it would be the continuation of a trend which we've already established statistically:  that Cockrel is slowly gaining support at Bing's expense.  It's also more consistent with the Denno-Noor poll released Saturday, which showed a 14% Cockrel lead.

On the other hand, we know that my poll somewhat overweights voters who are older, use absentee ballots or are white - all of which happen to be Cockrel strengths.  A larger turnout (which would mean, less white, less absentee, and younger) might even up the contest.

 April 29: If my numbers are right, Cockrel's campaign will have earned a lot of credit on Election Day next week.  They were clearly behind six weeks ago, but they pulled even, and now just a little bit ahead.

Polling Detroit is always fraught with peril, so any predictions are made with a sense of humility and trepidation.  In the 2005 Mayoral election every single poll conducted in the last four weeks - 18 by my count - incorrectly showed Freman Hendrix winning.  But, as we all know, there was a huge turnout and Kwame easily won re-election. 

This year, there are few signs of a huge turnout, nor any surge of new voters. Of the 28000 absentee ballots already cast, about 93% come from people who also voted in the February primary.  There are roughly 10,000 ballots not yet returned, and if we assume 80% of those will be cast, we'll  be just 3000 above the total in the primary.  To me, this suggests the total turnout (including election day voters) will rise from about 91,000 to perhaps 110,000 - far short of the 210,000 that Kwame turned out.

My point is that polling ought to be fairly reliable for this election, since the electorate is fairly easy to specify and contact.  Without much potential for surprise, our estimates ought to be reasonably close to the final result.  If my numbers here are correct, you should bet on Cockrel.

If the turnout is substantially larger than my guess - say 140,000 - Bing's prospects start looking better, since his strength is concentrated among non-absentee and black voters, which are precisely the groups most likely to contribute additional voters if the turnout is unexpectedly high.

I'm guessing it's Cockrel, and not by just a hair.

May 2:  Cockrel has now come out ahead for five consecutive days which sort of sums up what we've been seeing.  Only one of those leads was statistically significant standing by itself, and the moving average only flirts with statistical significance, but if Bing were actually leading, these results would be hard to imagine.

Between the method's limitations, and the small sample size, I don't have a clear sense of what's going on.  Cockrel by 2%?  Cockrel by 12%?

May 4:  Not much news.  Today's tally was tied, leaving Cockrel ahead by almost exactly the margin of error for the past four panels.

If you believe it's possible to poll ballot questions, the Charter Revision proposal seems very popular.  I guess that means it will pass easily, although it may not be anywhere close to the 70% predicted by my polling.

For what it's worth, Charter Revision has gradually picked up support over the past two months.  The comparison of the first eight panels to the most recent eight, shows a small but statistically significant gain.  Does somebody know if there's actually an organized "YES" campaign out beating the bushes?  If that's not the explanation, maybe the recent Council foolishness has convinced additional people that something needs to be done about them.

Absentee ballots continue trickling in at the rate of about 1000 per day.  Not counting anything that arrived Monday, about 32000 have been received, which is not dramatically different from the primary.

How many voters will there be?  I've assumed 110,000 for the purposes of drawing samples, but that's purely a guess.

 


 

 

Poll
Tracking Poll - waste of frontpage space?
Interesting because I follow Detroit's election
Interesting because of the statisticals discussion
Shouldn't be front-paged
Not worth posting on ML.com

Results

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Bit off-topic, but... (0.00 / 0)
...what happens to Ken Cockrel if he loses? He never resigned from City Council, and the vacancy wasn't filled in the February election (that is, there's only eight of nine seats occupied).

If Bing wins, does Cockrel return to Council? And if so, does he return as Council President, kicking Monica Conyers back down to #2 (since the 2005 results are what determines who gets to be Council President and President Pro Tem)?

What I'm getting at is, this could be a huge selling point for Dave Bing.

It's ALL about the 2010 Census, and who will drive the Redistricting in 2011. If we want a repeat of 2001, go ahead and keep sniping at each other.


I think Cockrel returns to Council President if he loses (4.00 / 2)
I made EXACTLY the same point last week in MIRS - that Bing could say, "We really need BOTH of us to make Detroit work.  Me as Mayor, and Ken as Council President.  If Ken is elected Mayor, he won't be able to get anything past that crazy Monica."

Cockrel could answer that it would only be six months before a new Council takes office, and Monica isn't likely to retain the position of Council President, which goes to the top vote-getter.  Of course, in a city that re-elected Kwame, all bets are off.


It's a mystery to me too (0.00 / 0)
I didn't see anywhere that Bing explicitly played the "Monica card," but I may have missed something along the way. Even if it was mentioned, it wasn't hammered home in a way that would have swayed voters.

My layman's guess would have been the late endorsements for Bing put him over -- the cumulative impact of Hendrix, Jackson and the Freep/News all coming out for Bing. After reading your analysis, I think they were a factor, but not the sole reason for an eight-point swing between the predicted and actual results.

I'd venture that another factor was Cockrel's turn to negative campaigning. After helping elect a President who ran a mostly positive campaign based on broad themes of hope and change, a city desperately in need of both didn't want to see unpleasant reminders of how campaigns used to be run.

My final guess would center around the absentee ballots breaking for Bing, and your perceived oversampling of whites and older voters. My gut tells me both groups -- oversampled or not -- should have gone for Bing more than Cockrel. But your polling kept showing those two subgroups supporting Cockrel. Perhaps the issue lies there.

Regardless, this is pretty much the result I was hoping for. Now if only Monica could be pushed into running for Mayor and not Council...then when she loses in August, that's it. At least until John Conyers retires or passes, and she runs for his seat in Congress.

It's ALL about the 2010 Census, and who will drive the Redistricting in 2011. If we want a repeat of 2001, go ahead and keep sniping at each other.


[ Parent ]
Thanks for confirming that. (0.00 / 0)
I thought that was the case when Kwame resigned, but wasn't sure if Ken Cockrel still had the right to return after the February Primary.

And Bing's counter-counter argument would be simple: Detroit doesn't HAVE six months to waste -- Monica Conyers has to be declawed ASAP.

It's ALL about the 2010 Census, and who will drive the Redistricting in 2011. If we want a repeat of 2001, go ahead and keep sniping at each other.


Huh? (4.00 / 1)
I think the whole scenario is going out the world backwards.  Cockrel could just as easily shoot back at Bing that Bing would be more than popular enough to run for Cockrel's old council seat and be president to boot.

Personally, I hope Bing and Cockrel have a spirited next come of months.  The city needs the debate; it doesn't need a new political fix/marriage, and I'm a bit put off by all those that seem to believe that Bing is the plainly better of the two.  As far as I'm concerned, it still waits to be seen.  His dodging of debates doesn't sit well with me, one bit, but then I never give points any candidate that tries to wiggle out of debates.  Bing better start acting more like a challenger, and that means showing he really wants it by going through the things every other candidate has to.


I'v a voter database guy... (4.00 / 1)
... so I look at the data to answer questions.  Bing's voter  history is very stark and easy to interpret;  it says he does his duty, but he doesn't think about public issues much.

To start with, he doesn't miss even-year general elections.  That may not sound like much, but you'd be amazed how many well-known public figures can't actually find the time (or stand the personal inconvenience) to cast ballots.  But Bing, even though he probably had no idea he'd run for office, consistently got his ass to the polls on election day.  (In person - he's not an absentee voter.)

BUT... and it's a big but... he doesn't vote in anything else.  Not August primaries, not city elections, not school millages, not even presidential primaries.  Nothing.

I'm not interested in criticizing people for their lack of effort; I'm trying to figure out their motivation and view of the world.  In Bing's case, you have a guy who shows up and votes when he thinks it really matters - presumably to vote for whatever Democrats are on the ballot, against Engler, or Bush, or whoever.  But if you ask him whether he prefers Granholm or Bonior to be the nominee, he's willing to leave the question to everybody else.

Hillary Clinton, or Obama?  Again, he doesn't have a view.  Even with his considerable exposure to property taxes, both personal and business, he didn't vote in the 1994 special election for Prop A, which must have saved him  $50,000 by now.

To bring this back to the question of how he'd govern, I think he'd be well meaning, and he'd put in the hours.  But he'd be likely to defer policy judgments to somebody he trusts.  And he might be good at finding somebody trustworthy, since he doesn't seem to surround himself with swine who are lusting for a prime spot at the public trough.

I'd guess the reason he doesn't show up at debates is that he doesn't really have an opinion on most of the topics that would arise.  He probably is vaguely familiar with the topics, but wouldn't have much grasp of the details.

Cockrel, being from a political family and being on the ballot himself, votes in everything.


[ Parent ]
It's the months between May and November. (0.00 / 0)
How much damage can Monica Conyers -- with her bully pulpit and ability to control Council's agenda -- do to Detroit's reputation, budget and quality of life in the period between the May election and when the new City Council elected this November takes office?

Beyond that, if he loses Cockrel would return to Council with first-hand experience he didn't have before he succeeded Kwame -- he now knows all the executive stuff Mayors try to hide from Council. He's had to assemble a City budget, not just receive one and snipe at it with the other eight. He's had to hire and fire City employees beyond his own staff.

He'd thus be in a unique position to both advise Bing and check him if he goes off the rails.

I do agree that the debate must be spirited. If Bing can't close the deal, then he should lose, Monica or no Monica.

It's ALL about the 2010 Census, and who will drive the Redistricting in 2011. If we want a repeat of 2001, go ahead and keep sniping at each other.


[ Parent ]
Faith (4.00 / 1)
He'd thus be in a unique position to both advise Bing and check him if he goes off the rails.

That's more faith than I have, and it's definitely a rosey scenario that I wouldn't bet money on.  Again, I'm just a bit put off by what seems to be among many Bing supporters this need to argue for him not out of belief in potential leadership, but because we could "get two for the price of one".  Again, I think that proposition is dubious at best, but even if it were, that should be a bonus, not the argument for the candidate.  

I'm glad you agree with my general point that if Bing can't close the deal than he shouldn't be mayor.  And, Monica or anything else shouldn't be used as some kind of cudgel against the candidacy of Cockrel.  They need to be presented on their own, and not in the context of some possible scenario.

On a personal note, I think Bing has much left to prove, because all that I've seen is a guy that wants to be mayor, but doesn't really want to work or fight for it.  Issues, in general, don't seem to concern him, much, and that should be a bit more than worrisome for a city that needs policy wonks, and needs them, stat.


[ Parent ]
You may be reading my comments too closely. (0.00 / 0)
I'm just trying to read the tea leaves:  

The very first results of my little poll say Bing is likely to win, but there's plenty of time for the numbers, and the tide of battle, to change.

If Bing is elected, I think people will find themselves using words like "detached", "aloof", and "distant" to describe his tenure.  Of course, after seven years of Kwame, those all sound like compliments.

But I don't find myself cheering for either side.  Either candidate will almost certainly be an improvement, and neither has compiled a track record which gives great confidence.



[ Parent ]
Sorry for the thread-jack (0.00 / 0)
But based on what MiddleGrandGuy posted, I'm apparently not the first to wonder what impact Monica Conyers could have on voter decision-making (and if the argument has gained any traction).

How hard would it be to add a question to the poll to try and gauge this wild card? Something in which the respondent is asked if he/she is aware that Mayor Cockrel would return to his position as CC President if he loses, and whether that impacts their choice for Mayor.

No specific mention of Conyers would be required, although if you wanted harder data you might ask if the voter has a positive or negative opinion of her, then correlate the two questions to come up with a "Monica factor" to compare with Bing's current polling advantage over Cockrel.

It may not be fair or ethical to do this (and probably breaks the model of a simple tracking poll any campaign can do), but the data would be fascinating.

P.S. It's even possible that Cockrel could derail the speculation by resigning from Council -- going all-in, as it were, forcing voters to decide between him and Bing on their merits. Then, if he still loses he could always run for Mayor or Council again in August/November.

It's ALL about the 2010 Census, and who will drive the Redistricting in 2011. If we want a repeat of 2001, go ahead and keep sniping at each other.


[ Parent ]
Limits of simple robo-polling (0.00 / 0)
I could add a question about Monica, but I don't think it would actually tell us anything.  I generally believe in designing polls that can be tested by direct comparison with election results.  That's what I love about these cheap robo-polls: a few weeks later you can see if you got it right or not.  If your numbers turn out wrong, you need to adjust your technique.

When you ask people why they vote in a particular way, I don't believe you get meaningful information.  For one thing, they don't know why.  For another thing, there's no way to test the result.  In other words, if's a perfect subject for burbling by fools, who use polling as an opportunity to bloviate their gaseous theories.

A meaningful question - which I'll probably start asking in a couple of months - would be to step through each member of the City Council and ask "Do you intend to vote for X?  Press one if yes, or two if you would NOT vote for X."  I imagine (hope) Monica would do very badly in such a test.


[ Parent ]
The more classic test for the difference (0.00 / 0)
in proportions between the two dates would be chi-square. In this case, chi^2 = 5.09, which for d.f. = 1 yields P = 0.024.

I believe, but am not sure, that the logit test you give for a 2x2 table gives the same result - is mathematically equivalent. No time to try to investigate this just now. However, if you wanted to test to see if there were differences among three different polling samples, you can use chi-square, but your logit method is not generalizable.


So to explore your question - (0.00 / 0)
what changed in two days, if the sample proportions are significantly (P=0.02) different?

Possibilities:

1) We got lucky/unlucky (2%)

2) The electorate really is moving (quickly) for unknown reason(s)

3) There is some unrecognized difference / bias in the way you are selecting your sample for the two nights (unlikely, assuming you are randomly selecting from the same data set)

4) Some unknown factor that makes Bing vs. Cockrel supporters more likely to answer the phone on one night vs. the other

5) Some combination of the above

That's really all the possibilities...


[ Parent ]
Exactly right. (4.00 / 1)
Except that I would discount #2 (because a 2-day shift 50 days before an election isn't a "shift" but a fluctuation) and #3 (from an ordered file, for the first sample, I select records whose position in the file equals one, modulo an appropriate base.  For the second day, I take records equal to two, modulo...  Unless there's a truly bizarre periodicity problem, they're at least as good as random.)

What's wonderful about a tracking survey is that the next sample is likely to resolve whatever questions arise today, while generating new ones to ponder tomorrow.


[ Parent ]
I get p=0.0155. (4.00 / 1)
The two methods are asymptotically equivalent, but produce different results when one or more cells have fewer than - say - 10 responses.  For some reason, I can't get anything to balance right now - I think it's a lack of caffeine.

Calculating the VERY old-fashioned way, by taking each day as a binomial, and calculating the pooled variance of the percentages, I get p=0.0216.  Since that should agree with BOTH our calculations, but actually agrees with neither, I've resolved to think about this later - after several cups of espresso.

What's nice about the logit method - when it works - is that you can estimate all the calculations in your head with just a little practice.  And it can be used in a wide range of situations.

You are correct that it can't deal with tables larger than 2x2, but the logit response is to "partition" such tables, either by performing serial analyses on statistically independent groupings, or by collapsing the cells in various ways to yield a 2x2 to analyze.


[ Parent ]
Fisher's exact test (4.00 / 1)
... yields a two-tailed p=0.0281.  Maybe I should quit thinking about it, since my calculations aren't converging, and I seem to be undermining my own credibility.  I think we can say the two days' results appear to be different.  

[ Parent ]
upon more careful consideration (4.00 / 1)
.... I get p=0.0242 using a simple binomial model, which matches your chi-square result.  (Which it should.)  I think my logit result is also consistent, but that it makes different assumptions regarding symmetry of the distribution.  And Fisher's Exact Test may be "exact" but makes other assumptions.  

Thanks for giving me a chance to put "tech" back into "Technical Politics".


[ Parent ]
If only Greb had been my stats TA! (4.00 / 1)
Might have gotten better grades... * sigh *

Just re-ran chi^2 including your data up to 3/23 (0.00 / 0)
4x2 table, chi^2 = 10.02, d.f. = 3, P = 0.018.

Still the suggestion that something is odd about the 3/18 run.


It's odd enough that I re-checked it twice. (0.00 / 0)
The tallies look perfectly normal, and there wasn't any opportunity for human error.  But yes, it sure seems like an outlier.

[ Parent ]
falling interest corresponding to <u>news</u>paper decline? (0.00 / 0)
I'm wondering about the correlation of the response rate with the reduction of actual newspapers the past few weeks?

Arguably, this isn't sufficiently covered by the TV media at all.  No immediate controversy, no good visuals....


Makes as much sense as any other explanation (0.00 / 0)
I really have no clue what's driving it, but my experience is that the greater the interest in the underlying race, the higher the response rate.  When I asked Obama/McCain, just before the November election, I was getting valid responses from 240 of every 1000 calls I placed.  Of those, 400 were never answered  at all, and there must have been some additional losses to answering machines, bad numbers, and so on.

I had expected the answering rate to go UP after the primary; I've never seen it decline like this.  Your theory fits the data, which isn't the same as proof, but suggests it's worth retaining to test against additional evidence.

My original guess was that we'd have 80,000 votes in the primary, and 140,000 in the general.  We actually saw 91,000 voters last month.  But now I'm guessing maybe 115,000 in May.  Anybody else want to place a guess?


[ Parent ]
Very nice! (4.00 / 1)
Could you calculate and post the Standard Error for your slope estimate?  I bet it's about 0.0018, which would mean the apparent trends may actually be purely noise.


[ Parent ]
graph 2 (4.00 / 2)
Detroit Mayoral 2

b = -0.00311
a = 124.6397 (this is the result of using Excel's date number as my ordinate)

N = 14
SE slope = 0.00161

slope estimate divided by standard error is distributed as Student t, d.f. = N-2.

t (d.f. 12) = 1.93
P = 0.0776 (one tail)

So, asking the 'one-tailed question': H1 = "Bing's support is going down" vs. H0 = "Bing's support is not going down", at alpha = 0.05, the slope is just shy of being significant.  


graph 3 (4.00 / 1)
Detroit Mayoral 3

b = -0.00382 (steeper than before)
a = 152.9
N = 15
SE slope = 0.001452
slope estimate divided by standard error is distributed as Student t, d.f. = N-2.
t (d.f. 13) = 2.63
P = 0.0104 (one tail)

So, asking the 'one-tailed question': H1 = "Bing's support is going down" vs. H0 = "Bing's support is not going down", H0 is rejected at alpha = 0.05, and almost at alpha = 0.01.

What a difference one panel makes!  


4/20 - back and forth. (4.00 / 1)
didn't bother with a new graph.

b = -0.00314
a = 126.0
N = 16
SE slope = 0.00133
slope estimate divided by standard error is distributed as Student t, d.f. = N-2.
t (d.f. 14) = 2.36
P = 0.033 (one tail)

So, asking the 'one-tailed question': H1 = "Bing's support is going down" vs. H0 = "Bing's support is not going down", H0 is rejected at alpha = 0.05, but not at alpha = 0.01.  


If only... (1.00 / 3)
they could both lose.

That seems to be one thing the polling is telling us. (4.00 / 1)
I was getting 120 responses per thousand call attempts in the primary.  Once we were down to a head-to-head race between two candidates, during the last two weeks of March, I averaged almost 100 responses per thousand.  Now, with the election just two weeks away, I'm only getting about 80 - at precisely the time voters start paying attention and getting excited in typical campaigns.

For the lack of interest to actually REDUCE the response rate during a campaign is novel to me.  I don't know if the problem is that neither candidate is attractive, or that neither candidate is frightening.  They aren't particularly similar, so it's not a case that you can't tell them apart.  But the typical voter seems to be losing interest.


[ Parent ]
I'm just here for the stats (0.00 / 0)
I really don't know much at all about the candidates, and in Kalamazoo we hear VERY little about the Detroit mayoral race, or anything much about Detroit unless it is something spectacular.

[ Parent ]
It just takes two minutes to update stats (0.00 / 0)
when Grebner updates data, so here goes:

4/22
b = -0.00356
a = 142.8
N = 17
SE slope = 0.00121
slope estimate divided by standard error is distributed as Student t, d.f. = N-2.
t (d.f. 15) = 2.95
P = 0.005 (one tail)

So, asking the 'one-tailed question': H1 = "Bing's support is going down" vs. H0 = "Bing's support is not going down", H0 is rejected at alpha = 0.01.

Who's ahead? Using last four panels, SE of proportion = 0.027, 95% confidence interval on Bing's support: 43% - 53%. Cockrel's ahead, but not (yet) significant.


I think it's 52.2% to 47.8%, with Cockrel showing a slight lead. (0.00 / 0)
I think you have a typo - maybe two.  Instead of "43% - 53%", proper rounding looks like 48% to 52%.

I have the raw data cumulated from all the calls, so I'll be able to run cross-tabs tonight.  We'll see if there's anything worth discussing.


[ Parent ]
No, you misunderstood - (0.00 / 0)
I said "95% confidence interval on Bing's support: 43% - 53%", NOT that that was the margin between Bing and Cockrel. IOW, Bing is at 48% plus or minus 5%, using the last four panels.

[ Parent ]
Yup - like you said. (0.00 / 0)
I mis-read it.  

[ Parent ]
Yup - like you said. (0.00 / 0)
I mis-read it.  

[ Parent ]
Latest - (0.00 / 0)
4/25
b = -0.00323
a = 129.4
N = 18
SE slope = 0.00109
slope estimate divided by standard error is distributed as Student t, d.f. = N-2.
t (d.f. 16) = 2.97
P = 0.0045 (one tail)

So, asking the 'one-tailed question': H1 = "Bing's support is going down" vs. H0 = "Bing's support is not going down", H0 is rejected at alpha = 0.01.

Who's ahead? Even if you use the last ten panels, in order to get a larger sample size (at the cost of using stale data), SE of proportion = 0.017, 95% confidence interval on Bing's support: 46% - 52%. Too close to call - and probably would still be, with a fancier and more costly poll.


Dennis Denno says Cockrel has a big lead. (0.00 / 0)
The Freep reports a Denno-Noor poll showing a 40%-to-26% lead for Cockrel.

(http://freep.com/article/20090424/BLOG2503/90424067)

Since I'm running three panels per week, an interesting way to look at your regression line is to realize that Bing seems to be leaking air at the rate of almost exactly 1 percentage point per week.  (0.323 x 3 = 0.969 +/- 0.327).  Since Cockrel gains one point for each one that Bing loses, it means the lead seems to be slipping away at 2 percentage points per week.

If we assume our data was correct that Bing was really around 56% six weeks ago, meaning a 12 point lead, the race must be roughly tied today, presumably with Cockrel continuing to gain, and all subject to enough uncertainty that we don't know exactly what's going to happen.

In any event, it's hard to square with a fourteen point lead for Cockrel - that simply doesn't fit the data we're seeing here.  In ten days, we'll know who's right - if anybody is.


[ Parent ]
"...quirky but very reputable..." (0.00 / 0)
Remembering back to your post about putting lipstick on a pig, I guess this description - both sides of it - fits well enough.

As I said before, I know very little about Detroit politics, but as I read more about them, I'm pretty sure that if I lived there, I'd be voting for Bing, as holding out some hope for a change in the way of doing business.


[ Parent ]
4/27 (0.00 / 0)
b = -0.00375
a = 149.98
N = 19
SE slope = 0.00102
slope estimate divided by standard error is distributed as Student t, d.f. = N-2.
t (d.f. 17) = 3.67
P = 0.001 (one tail)

Who's ahead? Using the last three panels, Bing 43%, Cockrel 57%, SE = 0.0302, 95% CI on Bing's support 37% - 49%: first time this has not straddled 50%.

Difference in Bing's vs. Cockrel's support: Z = 3.32, P = 0.0045.


In this case (0.00 / 0)
taking the last three panels gave the most significant difference in B - C proportions .. more than using one, two, or four panels.

Usually, deciding which data to include post hoc based on the results it gives is a big no-no, and I would never do it in an actual study I was conducting. Here, we're just playing, and it is instructive that using the last three is the optimum combination of difference and sample size to see the most confidence that there is a difference.


[ Parent ]
4/29 (0.00 / 0)
The trend is so well established that there is no need to go on reporting that.

Difference in Bing's vs. Cockrel's support, last four panels: B=0.44, C=0.56, SE=0.026, Z = 3.40, P = 0.0033.


5/2 (0.00 / 0)
Detroit Mayoral 4

b = -0.00326
a = 130.7
N = 21
SE slope = 0.00085
slope estimate divided by standard error is distributed as Student t, d.f. = N-2.
t (d.f. 19) = 3.82
P = 0.0006 (one tail)

Last four panels, Bing - Cockrel difference, Z = 2.62, P = 0.004

I'll post my prediction now. Cockrel got the unanimous support of the association of Baptist ministers (not sure I have the name right, but it's a big deal). Sunday morning the sermons will be on the theme of experienced leadership, even if no names are mentioned. Cockrel wins by 13%.


Theory Four (0.00 / 0)
the voters' opinions were not firm but in flux. Perhaps adding a question that seeks to find out how sure they were of their decision.

Plus, this was in essence a primary election, so the usual ques available to voters (party ID) was low, hence they could be shifted rather easily with any new information...



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For MI Bloggers:
- MI Bloggers Facebook
- MI Bloggers Myspace
- MI Bloggers PartyBuilder
- MI Bloggers Wiki

Statewide:
- Blogging for Michigan
- Call of the Senate Dems
- [Con]serving Michigan (Michigan LCV)
- DailyKos (Michigan tag)
- Enviro-Mich List Serve archives
- Democratic Underground, Michigan Forum
- Jack Lessenberry
- JenniferGranholm.com
- LeftyBlogs (Michigan)
- Michigan Coalition for Progress
- Michigan Messenger
- MI Idea (Michigan Equality)
- Planned Parenthood Advocates of Michigan
- Rainbow Mittens
- The Upper Hand (Progress Michigan)

Upper Peninsula:
- Keweenaw Now
- Save the Wild UP

Western Michigan:
- Great Lakes Guy
- Great Lakes, Great Times, Great Scott
- Mostly Sunny with a Chance of Gay
- Public Pulse
- West Michigan Politics
- West Michigan Rising
- Windmillin'

Mid-Michigan:
- Among the Trees
- Blue Chips (CMU College Democrats Blog)
- Christine Barry
- Conservative Media
- Far Left Field
- Graham Davis
- Honest Errors
- ICDP:Dispatch (Isabella County Democratic Party Blog)
- Liberal, Loud and Proud
- Livingston County Democratic Party Blog
- MI Blog
- Mid-Michigan DFA
- Pohlitics
- Random Ramblings of a Somewhat Common Man
- Waffles of Compromise
- YAF Watch

Flint/Bay Area/Thumb:
- Bay County Democratic Party
- Blue November
- East Michigan Blue
- Genesee County Young Democrats
- Greed, Eggs, and Ham
- Jim Stamas Watch
- Meddling Outsider
- Saginaw County Democratic Party Blog
- Stone Soup Musings
- Voice of Mordor

Southeast Michigan:
- A2Politico
- arblogger
- Arbor Update
- Congressman John Conyers (CD14)
- Mayor Craig Covey
- Councilman Ron Suarez
- Democracy for Metro Detroit
- Detroit Skeptic
- Detroit Uncovered (formerly "Fire Jerry Oliver")
- Grosse Pointe Democrats
- I Wish This Blog Was Louder
- Kicking Ass Ann Arbor (UM College Democrats Blog)
- LJ's Blogorific
- Mark Maynard
- Michigan Progress
- Motor City Liberal
- North Oakland Dems
- Oakland Democratic Politics
- Our Michigan
- Peters for Congress (CD09)
- PhiKapBlog
- Polygon, the Dancing Bear
- Rust Belt Blues
- Third City
- Thunder Down Country
- Trusty Getto
- Unhinged

MI Congressional
District Watch Blogs:
- Mr. Rogers' Neighborhood (CD08)

MI Campaigns:
MI Democratic Orgs:
MI Progressive Orgs:
MI Misc.:
National Alternative Media:
National Blogs:
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